NLRB General Counsel Carey Releases Roadmap for Overturning Biden-Era Labor Precedents

On August 26, 2026, NLRB General Counsel Crystal Carey issued Memorandum GC 26-04, providing the clearest signal yet of the substantive changes she intends to pursue with the Board. She identified more than a dozen Biden-era precedents that her office has either asked the Board to reconsider or that she intends to challenge when an appropriate case arises. This memo is a significant development and offers a concrete preview of Carey’s plan to return to sounder labor policy.

It is well worth the time to take a moment to read GC Memo 26-04. However, here are some of the highlights:

Captive Audience Meetings. Carey is advocating to reverse Amazon.com Services LLC, 373 NLRB No. 136 (2024), which broke with more than 75 years of precedent by holding that it violated the Act to hold mandatory meetings where employers express their views on unionization. Carey has filed a motion encouraging the Board to restore the longstanding Babcock & Wilcox standard which, since 1948, had permitted employers to require employee attendance at such meetings during paid work time. If the Board reverses Amazon, employers will once again have a critical tool for communicating directly with their workforce during organizing campaigns.

Work Rules Under Stericycle. Carey is advocating to overturn Stericycle, Inc., 372 NLRB No. 113 (2023), which adopted a standard under which facially neutral workplace rules could be found presumptively unlawful if they had a “reasonable tendency” to chill employees from exercising Section 7 rights. In practice, Stericycle called into question routine handbook policies—civility rules, attendance rules, confidentiality provisions, social media policies—and applied an analysis with unpredictable and inconsistent outcomes. Carey’s position signals a return to a more employer-friendly framework that focuses on whether rules explicitly restrict protected activity, rather than speculating about potential chilling effects. (Separately, Carey has instructed regional directors to de-prioritize charges that are based purely on generalized alleged violations of Stericycle, and to focus on more clear-cut violations where an adverse action actually occurred.)

Cemex Bargaining Orders. Carey has announced her intent to challenge Cemex Construction Materials Pacific, LLC, 372 NLRB No. 130 (2023), which fundamentally altered the union recognition process. Under Cemex, if an employer commits an unfair labor practice that arguably might affect the results of the election, the Board can impose a bargaining order, even before an election actually occurs. Carey described Cemex as “contrary to Supreme Court precedent and sound labor policy” and intends to press for a return to the traditional Gissel/Linden Lumber framework, which afforded greater procedural protections and preserved employees’ right to vote.

Severance Agreements and Employer Speech. Carey has also taken aim at McLaren Macomb, 372 NLRB No. 58 (2023), which restricted employers’ ability to include standard non-disparagement and confidentiality provisions in severance agreements, and Siren Retail Corp. d/b/a Starbucks, 373 NLRB No. 135 (2024), which narrowed the permissible scope of employer predictions about the effects of unionization. Carey is advocating to return to the established standard in Tri-Cast, Inc., which gave employers broader latitude to communicate their views about potential impacts of union representation without running afoul of the Act.

Additional Priorities and Honorable Mentions. In addition to the above, Carey has signaled that she disagrees with Wendt Corporation and Tecnocap (unionized employers may not make unilateral changes in accordance with their past practices pre- or post-contract), Thryv, Inc. (expanded remedies for charging parties), Lion Elastomers II (broader protections for employee misconduct during concerted activity), and Valley Hospital (dues checkoffs automatically continue after contract expiration).

What Does This Mean for Employers?

Now that the Board has a 3-1 Republican majority, change is certainly on the horizon. From a business standpoint, it is worth analyzing how these anticipated changes may affect operations and employee relations. That said, the cases that General Counsel Carey has called out in the memo remain in effect, despite her advocacy. There is no guarantee that the Board will agree with Carey’s interpretations of the law. There is also no guarantee that the Board, even if it reverses a certain Biden-era decision, will revert back to the prior standard.

Employers should follow these developments closely and work with labor counsel to make strategic decisions about handling live or pending issues that involve the caselaw that Carey has targeted. Companies with pending NLRB charges or active organizing campaigns, in particular, should evaluate whether any of these anticipated shifts present opportunities to preserve favorable arguments on the record.

While the General Counsel’s direction is clear, the pace of change will be case-by-case—and employers who position themselves strategically now will be best prepared to benefit as the law evolves.

This Blog Post has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. This information is not intended to create, and the receipt of it does not constitute, a lawyer-client relationship.

The Cemex Rules May Be Coming to an End, as Amazon Openly Challenges Current Election Requirements

By Elizabeth Mincer

In August 2023, the NLRB’s then-Democratic majority issued its decision in Cemex Construction Materials Pacific, LLC, 372 NLRB No. 130 (2023), fundamentally altering the framework for union recognition and employer obligations when confronted with a union’s demand for bargaining.

Before the decision in Cemex, an employer could generally deny or ignore a request for recognition by a union. The union would then have the option of filing a petition for election. This would kickstart a formal election process, during which the Board would assess the appropriateness of the unit, among other issues, and then decide whether to order an election. The parties also could negotiate an election agreement. If an election occurred, eligible voters could cast their ballot anonymously. Under this historic framework, the onus was on the union to file the petition and to establish at least 30% support from an appropriate bargaining unit.

In Cemex, the Board overruled a 1971 case called Linden Lumber, which had long formed the basis of an employer’s right to decline or ignore demands for recognition without consequence. Under Linden Lumber, the Board’s position was that an employer did not violate the Act solely by refusing to accept evidence of majority status other than the results of a Board election. The Supreme Court upheld Linden Lumber in 1974.

Cemex created a new paradigm, whereby a union that obtains signed authorization cards from a majority of employees in an appropriate bargaining unit can present the employer with a demand for recognition. The employer then has two options: voluntarily recognize the union or promptly file an RM petition within two weeks to test the union’s majority status through a secret-ballot election. If the employer does neither, the Board will find that the employer violated Section 8(a)(5) of the Act and will issue a remedial bargaining order. Additionally, Cemex lowered the threshold for issuing bargaining orders when an employer commits unfair labor practices that frustrate a free, fair, and timely election — making bargaining orders the default remedy in such situations rather than simply directing a rerun election.

Anecdotally, many unions still decided to go the route of filing an RC petition, as the two-week RM petition deadline gave employers some additional time to campaign. However, it did mean that unions held more leverage with respect to implementing their organizing strategies. It also meant that employers who were not up-to-date on the new Cemex rules could fall into a trap of mandatory recognition; lack of knowledge of this monumental shift in the rules was not going to be an excuse.

Is Change On the Horizon?

On June 22, 2026, an ALJ issued the first decision applying the Cemex recognition-demand framework to find an unfair labor practice based solely on an employer’s failure to recognize a union or file an RM petition. The case involved one of Amazon’s facilities in California.

In 2024, the Teamsters union had allegedly collected signed authorization cards from about 66% of a group of sorting associates. The employees demanded recognition in October 2024. Amazon did not respond. The Teamsters sent a follow-up communication expressly mentioning Cemex. Amazon did not respond to that either, and did not file an RM petition.

Based on the holding in Cemex, and effectively stating that his hands were tied, the ALJ found that the employer violated Section 8(a)(5) of the Act because: (1) the Union had majority support in an appropriate unit, (2) it demanded recognition, and (3) Amazon neither recognized the union nor filed a petition.

The ALJ acknowledged that Amazon raised “salient” arguments challenging Cemex — including arguments that the new rules conflicted with Supreme Court precedent, violated the Administrative Procedure Act, and implicated the Major Questions and Non-Delegation Doctrines. However, because he was bound to follow extant Board precedent, the ALJ issued a bargaining order requiring Amazon to recognize and bargain with the Teamsters as of the date of the first request for recognition.

Amazon most certainly will appeal this decision to the Board.

Separately, addressing the other part of Cemex, the Sixth Circuit recently rejected the default bargaining-order standard. In Brown-Forman Corp. v. NLRB (March 6, 2026), the court held that the Board exceeded its adjudicatory authority in promulgating the Cemex remedial bargaining standard because it was “neither derived from the case-specific facts nor in furtherance of fashioning a remedy that resolved the parties’ dispute”. Although that holding is currently binding only in the Sixth Circuit, it signals judicial skepticism that may embolden the Board to act.

Perfect Timing for NLRB Review?

The Board currently has a 2-1 Republican majority. With three members, it has a functioning quorum, though both Republican appointees have indicated that they will not shift major precedent without at least three affirmative votes (as is tradition).

Accordingly, with only a 2-1 majority, the Board has thus far declined to overturn major Biden-era precedents. That said, the path to a full reversal for Cemex now appears close at hand. On April 13, 2026, President Trump nominated James Macy to fill the vacant third Republican seat and paired it with a renomination of Democrat David Prouty. If confirmed, the Board would have a three-member Republican majority with the votes needed to overturn Biden-era precedents. By pairing these two nominees together, confirmation is expected to go smoothly, and is likely to occur within the next several weeks.

It may take some time (perhaps more than a year) for the Board to address this specific Amazon appeal. Until then, Cemex still technically controls.

If the Board overturns Cemex, the most likely outcome is a return to the Linden Lumber standard, under which employers could reject card-based demands for recognition and insist that unions seek a secret-ballot election. Employers would no longer face a two-week deadline to file an RM petition after receiving a recognition demand.

If the Board also chooses to use this case as a vessel to overturn other aspects of Cemex, bargaining orders would likely return to the more limited Gissel standard — available only where employer misconduct is so serious as to undermine the possibility of a fair election.

However, the current uncertainty demands that employers remain cautious. Until Cemex is formally overturned, it remains binding law, and the NLRB continues to apply it. Employers outside the Sixth Circuit remain fully exposed to bargaining orders under the existing standard.

Anticipating a shift in the tides, unions will likely preemptively turn back to filing election petitions as the primary way to seek recognition. However, to the extent a union attempts to further utilize the Cemex recognition standard while it remains precedent, an employer caught in the middle of this will need to make a strategic choice: file an RM petition or wait things out in the hope that Cemex will be overturned.

Regardless, employers need to remain vigilant to underground union organizing campaigns. More and more, unions are organizing digitally and through social media, secretly collecting electronic authorization cards. Many employers are shocked when they receive the demand or petition, as they did not see it coming. An informed management team is the key to combatting these tactics, and there is no time like the present to educate front-line supervisors about the signs and risks of unionization.

We will continue to monitor the status of the Cemex standards and related developments. Follow and subscribe for timely updates as Board precedent evolves.

© 2009- Duane Morris LLP. Duane Morris is a registered service mark of Duane Morris LLP.

The opinions expressed on this blog are those of the author and are not to be construed as legal advice.

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