Colorado Supreme Court Concludes (Unsurprisingly) That Elephants Aren’t Persons

On January 21, 2025, the Supreme Court of Colorado affirmed a lower court ruling that elephants maintained in a zoo were not properly the subject of a habeas corpus petition pursued by the animal rights group, Nonhuman Rights Project (NRP). Nonhuman Rights Project, Inc. v. Cheyenne Mountain Zoological Society, No. 24SA21 (Colo. Jan. 21, 2025). As the court observed, “We are not alone in rejecting NRP’s attempt to extend the great writ to nonhuman animals. . . . Every one of [NRP’s] petitions for writ of habeas corpus has been denied for the same or very similar reasons.” Slip op. at 16.

NRP filed the writ arguing that five elderly African elephants (Loxodonta africana) located at the Cheyenne Mountain Zoo (Missy, Kimba, Lucky, LouLou and Jambo) were “unlawfully confined” and should be relocated to an elephant sanctuary. Petitioner argued that elephants held in a zoo are prone to suffer from “chronic frustration, boredom, and stress, resulting over time in physical disabilities, psychological disorders, and, often, brain damage.” Slip. op. at 6. The zoo “vigorously disputed the factual allegations in the Petition, pushing back against the suggestion that the elephants were receiving anything short of remarkable care.” Id.

The Supreme Court concluded that habeas relief was unavailable here because the Colorado habeas statute only applies to “persons,” and “persons” means human beings:

Colorado’s habeas corpus statute does not define the term “person.” It is, however, defined by section 2-4-401, C.R.S. (2024), which contains definitions that “apply to every statute, unless the context otherwise requires.” Under section 2-4-401(8), “‘Person’ means any individual, corporation, government or governmental subdivision or agency, business trust, estate, trust, limited liability company, partnership, association, or other legal entity.” Looking to the dictionary, the term “person” is defined as an individual human being. See Person, Black’s Law Dictionary (12th ed. 2024) (“[a] human being”); Person, Merriam-Webster Dictionary, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/person [https://perma.cc/6AX5-9MCH] (“human, individual”).


Given the statutory definition of the term “person” and the plain and ordinary meaning of the term found in the dictionary, we conclude that the General Assembly’s choice of the word “person” demonstrates its intent to limit the reach of section 13-45-102 to human beings. Our conclusion is further bolstered by the fact that including nonhuman animals in the definition of the term “person” is the type of monumental change in the law that one would reasonably expect the General Assembly to make explicit. That is, “[i]f [the General
Assembly] intended to take the extraordinary step of authorizing animals as well as people . . . to sue, they could, and should, have said so plainly.” [Slip op. at 14-15 (citation omitted).]

The court likewise was not persuaded that the common law writ of habeas corpus was available: “[N]othing nothing in the common law supports NRP’s position, which rests primarily on a concurring opinion and two dissenting opinions in its unsuccessful efforts to
extend the writ of habeas corpus to nonhuman animals.” Slip op. at 16. This was the case notwithstanding NRP’s argument that elephants are “autonomous:” “Habeas protections flow from the status of being a person, not from a being’s ability to pass some type of autonomous capacity test.” Id. at 18.

It also was significant that NRP was not seeking to actually “liberate” the elephants but, instead, to move them to another form of confinement in a sanctuary: “The fact that NRP merely seeks the transfer of the elephants from one form of confinement to another is yet another reason that habeas relief is not appropriate here.” Slip op. at 19.

As the court summed it up:

Simply put, no Colorado court, nor any other court in any other jurisdiction in the United States has ever recognized the legal “personhood” of any nonhuman species. [Slip op. at 17.]

NRP has, for years, sought to push its animal rights agenda by burdening zoos and other exhibitors with habeas petitions seeking to move elephants to sanctuaries on the theory that holding such an animal in a zoological setting is deleterious to the animal’s welfare. (We have written about NRP’s actions several times, for example here.) Such assertions of poor welfare generally are baseless. For example, litigation involving the Ringling Bros. Circus elephants demonstrated that they generally lived longer than their wild counterparts. In fact, Ringling had one circus elephant who lived well into her mid-70’s. One would think that these habeas petitions would, at some point, be found by the courts to be frivolous.

Turns Out That DOGE Already Existed – Just With a Different Name

At the federal level, stakeholders in the animal space often encounter regulators such as the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Animal & Plant Health Inspection Service or the Department of Interior’s Fish & Wildlife Service.  Not uncommonly, federal regulation is heavy-handed.  Thus, the regulated have been keenly interested in the much discussed Department of Government Efficiency or “DOGE” that President Trump touted during the presidential campaign.  As originally described, DOGE – an advisory body to be headed by Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy – would cut regulations and headcounts within the federal government.

Interestingly enough, however, when it came time to actually creating DOGE, President Trump’s January 20, 2025 Executive Order simply renamed and reorganized the duties of an existing federal agency – the United States Digital Service (“USDS”).  USDS has been around for ten years.  It was created by President Obama in 2014.  The USDS website describes the agency’s mission as follows:

USDS brings together interdisciplinary teams of top technologists – including engineers, data scientists, designers, user researchers, product managers, and procurement experts – who collaborate closely with agency experts to tackle important problems.  This collaborative approach prioritizes human-centered engineering and design, focusing on iterative improvements to create user-friendly, reliable, and seamless digital services.

USDS states that it puts together teams of individuals with the relevant expertise who, “with tours of service lasting no more than four years . . . bring[] fresh perspectives on technology and delivery to the government.”  Among USDS’s listed achievements are improved user and customer digital experiences for the Veterans Administration, Social Security Administration, Internal Revenue Service and the Centers for Disease Control.

President Trump’s January 20, 2025 Executive Order (EO) “establishes the Department of Government Efficiency to implement the President’s DOGE agenda by modernizing Federal technology and software to maximize governmental efficiency and productivity.”  The EO renames USDS as the United States DOGE Service.  The EO requires each federal agency head to establish a “DOGE Team” within their respective agencies which will advise the agency head on “implementing the President’s DOGE Agenda.”  According to section 4(a) of the EO,

The USDS Administrator shall commence a Software Modernization Initiative to improve the quality and efficiency of government-wide software, network infrastructure, and information technology (IT) systems.  Among other things, the USDS Administrator shall work with Agency Heads to promote inter-operability between agency networks and systems, ensure data integrity, and facilitate responsible data collection and synchronization.

So, what was described originally as an initiative that would basically slash and burn through the federal bureaucratic state, appears, at least in its original formulation, to be largely a plan to overall federal agencies’ information technology capabilities to maximize efficiency.  Whether the United States DOGE Service expands its role beyond technological improvement remains to be seen.

As reported by several media outlets, within 15 minutes of President Trump’s oath of office and before the EO was even signed, several groups filed suit claiming that DOGE is an unlawful advisory committee under the Federal Advisory Committee Act.  Whether those litigants revise their claims in light of the actual language of the EO is another thing that remains to be seen. 

Washington State Enacts World’s First Legislation to Ban Octopus Farming

By guest blogger:

Madison Gutzman, 2026 J.D. Candidate, Texas A&M University School of Law

Washington House Bill 1153, which prohibits the farming of octopuses in Washington State, was signed into law on March 13th, 2024. Washington leads the charge in legislation of this kind, but California and Hawaii are not far behind. Representative Strom Peterson sponsored the bill to keep octopus farms from hurting the environment and causing the suffering of octopuses. Rep. Peterson argues it is well past time to prohibit octopus farming. However, no octopus farms currently exist in the world. So, what sparked this surge in legislation?

Construction of the world’s first octopus farm has been proposed in Gran Canaria, Spain. Controversy sparked after an animal rights group released confidential plans behind the farm’s operation. The seafood company behind the farm had announced scientific advancements in the breeding and captivity of octopuses that would lead to commercial farming operations. Claire Marshall, World’s first octopus farm proposals alarm scientists, BBC (Mar. 15, 2023), https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-64814781. Scientists and animal activists are concerned about the wellbeing of octopuses in farming conditions. Octopuses are clever, solitary creatures who typically thrive in coral reef systems. The company’s plans include 10-15 octopuses living in one cubic meter of tank while being fed a dry pellet food. Id. This differs from the live fish they usually eat in the open ocean. Additionally, octopuses are incredibly territorial and young octopuses can be prone to cannibalism when in close quarters. The company estimates a 10-15% mortality rate among the farm raised octopuses. Id.

Perhaps the most controversial practice in the proposed operation is the method of killing these octopuses. The seafood company proposes an “ice slurry” method that would require octopuses to be put into below-freezing water until they die. Some scientists have argued this is a slow, painful death for a creature recognized by the UK’s Animal Welfare (Sentience) Act as “sentient beings.” Id. Given the objection to such practices, why is octopus farming a topic of U.S. legislation?

The number of octopuses caught each year has increased tenfold in the last 70 years. Id. As the demand for octopus grows, efforts to farm these sentient cephalopods aren’t likely to cease any time soon. U.S. legislation banning octopus farming within our borders is a win for aquatic animal rights groups. While it is unclear whether or not octopus farms would ever make their way to American soil one day, the United States is one of the biggest importers of octopus. Washington’s legislation only bans actual farming, so the state might still contribute to the demand for octopus farms overseas. However, the OCTOPUS Act of 2024, a bipartisan bill introduced by the founders and co-chairs of the Senate Oceans Caucus, would also prohibit imports of farm-raised octopus from other countries. S. 4810, 118th Cong. (2023-2024). Federal legislation in the United States would undoubtedly have a greater financial impact on octopus farming operations in Spain. Foreign countries might be deterred from continuing the costly research and creation of octopus farms if a major importer isn’t in the market.

From humble beginnings as a Washington house bill, an octopus farming ban could be a step toward more animal welfare focused legislation for cephalopods. Aquatic farming in general has risen in popularity over the last few decades, so it is only natural that animal legislation adapts to market trends and consumer demands. As humans continue to deplete natural aquatic resources, we’re likely to see an increase in demand for other farm raised aquatic animals as well. This legislation is a peek into where people draw the line in aquatic farming today, but this line is sure to continue to move as these practices evolve.

Outside of this legislation’s impact on animal law, there is a potential human cost to such animal welfare legislation. Washingtonians criticized the introduction of this legislation because they felt it was a little tone deaf to the humanitarian needs of the state. Homelessness, opioid addiction, violent crime, and property crime are rampant issues in Washington. While Washington residents are generally very environmentally conscious, they denounced the use of legislators’ time and effort being spent on drafting highly proactive bills banning proposed animal farming practices. The octopus farming ban was proposed around the same time as a bill banning Styrofoam takeout containers, so residents may have been hyperaware of legislation they felt was not as important to the human welfare crisis. While this concern may not be as prevalent at the federal level, there is always a concern that legislative resources are being spent on issues that miss the mark in the eyes of the people.

By any measure, this type of legislation no doubt raises competing and evolving issues related to market pressures, sustainability and animal welfare, that will continue to be debated in the future.

D.C. Circuit Bounces Animal Rights Case on Standing Grounds

Animal rights groups often pursue consumer-type cases against food producers and argue that packaging claims and images supposedly mislead buyers into thinking that the animals turned into food were humanely raised.  The goal really isn’t transparency.  The goal is to use the cost of defending such claims to end the eating of animals as food.  On August 9, 2024, the D.C. Circuit knocked out such a case on standing grounds.  Animal Legal Defense Fund, Inc., v. Vilsack, No. 23-5009 (D.C. Cir. Aug. 9, 2024). Continue reading “D.C. Circuit Bounces Animal Rights Case on Standing Grounds”

Supreme Court Guts USDA’s Power to Assess Civil Penalties Under the Animal Welfare Act

Somewhat overshadowed by Chevron’s spectacular crash and burn last week was the Supreme Court’s decision the day before in SEC v. Jarkesy, No. 22-859 (U.S. June 27, 2024), holding that the SEC’s assessment of civil penalties in an administrative proceeding is unconstitutional because it deprives the party assessed of its Seventh Amendment right to trial by jury.  This result has particular significance for those regulated by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) under the Animal Welfare Act (AWA). Continue reading “Supreme Court Guts USDA’s Power to Assess Civil Penalties Under the Animal Welfare Act”

USDA and DOJ Announce Top Priorities for Civil Enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act

By Michelle C. Pardo and Brian Pandya

Last month, the Department of Justice Environmental and Natural Resources Division (ENRD), the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) and the USDA Office of General Counsel (OGC) announced the issuance of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on civil judicial enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act (AWA).  What does this mean for USDA licensees and registrants?  Our Q&A breaks it down. Continue reading “USDA and DOJ Announce Top Priorities for Civil Enforcement of the Animal Welfare Act”

Fourth Circuit Sends Family Dog Shooting Case to Trial

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit recently reversed a summary judgment in favor of a police officer who had been sued for an unreasonable seizure under the Fourth Amendment arising out of an incident that had resulted in the shooting death of a pet dog.  According to the appellate court, the conflicting accounts of what happened could only be resolved by a jury.  Ray v. Roane, No. 22-2120 (4th Cir. Feb. 22, 2024). Continue reading “Fourth Circuit Sends Family Dog Shooting Case to Trial”

PETA’s Animal “Shelter” Continues as a Leader in Animal Death

Animal rights group People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) recently posted the “news” that it had “newly obtained public records” showing that certain research universities had euthanized laboratory animals during the COVID-19 pandemic and that PETA had complained about this to the National Institutes of Health.  In its zeal to attack the use of animals in medical research, PETA described this as a “mass killing spree.”  What this ignores, however, as reported by The Chronicle of Higher Education back in 2020 when all this happened, is that universities made these difficult decisions because they had no choice.  Social distancing requirements that forced animal care personnel to stay out of the labs, precluded the delivery of proper animal care.  It was not humane to allow the animals to go without food, water and other husbandry.  But what we thought was particularly interesting is PETA’s use of the rhetoric “mass killing spree” in light of what goes on in its own facility in Norfolk, Virginia. Continue reading “PETA’s Animal “Shelter” Continues as a Leader in Animal Death”

Eighth Circuit Animal Rights “Ag Gag Law” Challenge Fail – Part II

Yesterday, we reported on a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit that rejected a challenge by animal rights activists to a so-called “ag gag law” in Iowa.  In a parallel decision the same day, the court issued another opinion rejecting a First Amendment challenge by animal rights groups to another aspect of the same law.  Animal Legal Defense Fund v. Reynolds, No. 22-3464 (8th Cir. Jan. 8, 2024). Continue reading “Eighth Circuit Animal Rights “Ag Gag Law” Challenge Fail – Part II”

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The opinions expressed on this blog are those of the author and are not to be construed as legal advice.

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